Advertentie | |
|
![]() |
|
![]() |
Last Update: 06/09/2003 20:23
Hamas leader Yassin lightly hurt in IAF assassination attempt By Arnon Regular and Amos Harel, Haaretz Correspondents, Haaretz Service and Agencies Hamas spiritual leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin was lightly wounded Saturday afternoon when an Israel Air Force F-16 fighter jet dropped a quarter-ton bomb on a building in Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip. According to Palestinian sources, 15 others, among them children, were wounded in the air strike which came on the same day as a decision by European Union foreign ministers to move to outlaw the group's political wing. Witnesses said that Yassin and his aide - later identified as senior Hamas leader Ismail Haniyah - were rushed away in a car. The wheelchair-bound Yassin was treated for injuries to his hand at Shifa Hospital in Gaza City. Several Hamas leaders were holding a meeting at the home of senior Hamas official and Islamic University lecturer, Dr. Marwan Abu Ras, immediately before the strike. Among them were high-ranking officials Mohammed Deff and Adnan al-Rul, as well as Abdel Aziz Rantisi, the target of an unsuccessful IAF missile strike in June. Abu Ras told Reuters the missile struck his home just moments after Yassin and Haniyah left after hearing IAF aircraft overhead. They had been planning to sit down to lunch. "We heard a loud noise and then everything went black and then red before my eyes," he said, while being treated in hospital for injuries to his chest and leg. Israeli security sources later confirmed that Yassin and other senior officials in the organization were the targets of the attack, as they were meeting "to plan future terror attacks against Israelis." The IDF vowed to continue waging "relentless war against Hamas." Palestinian Authority Foreign Minister Nabil Sha'ath slammed the IAF strike on Yassin. In an interview to the BBC he said the "continuation of assassinations and murders of Palestinian leaders was shocking news... which contributes to further escalation." He added that, "It would be a real loss if the road map goes away"... and that Israel and the Palestinians "don't have any alternatives" to the internationally-brokered peace plan. The Jordanian government denounced the failed attempt on Yassin, and warned Israel that the latest incident could derail peace efforts. "The Israeli escalation represents a serious threat to the peace process and it is unacceptable regardless of its motives and reasons," Petra news agency quoted Foreign Minister Marwan Muasher was quoted. "The assassinations being carried out by the Israeli government and its military machine as well as the recurrent Israeli aggressions on the unarmed Palestinian people are set to derail all international peace efforts being made with a view to re-establishing peace in the Middle East," he added. http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/337274.html [edit: titel layout aangepast ![]() Laatst gewijzigd op 06-09-2003 om 20:10. |
![]() |
|
![]() |
PMO: Israel won't accept PA government headed by Arafat
By Aluf Benn, Haaretz Correspondent, Haaretz Service and Agencies Israel will not accept a situation in which the Palestinian Authority is again ruled by Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat or anyone of his choosing, the Prime Minister's Office said in a statement issued Saturday after Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas submitted his resignation. According to Army Radio, Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom said that the Israeli government will not negotiate with Arafat, because he is "part of the problem and not a part of the solution." Health Minister Dan Naveh said that Abbas' resignation proved that Arafat's terror regime would continue, and urged for Israel to expel Arafat immediately. Former Labor Party minister Yossi Beilin blamed Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for Abbas' resignation, the Israel Radio reported. It quoted Beilin as saying that Sharon should have negotiated with Abbas and enabled him to present his people with achievements, but instead he turned Arafat into a "hurt and vengeful animal." Shinui MK Eliezer Sandberg said the resignation was in effect a desperate call by Abbas for the international community to help him get rid of Arafat. Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Maher said his government, which has been a major player in trying to broker agreements among the parties, would try to "help the Palestinian leadership end its crisis." "We hope that [Arafat and Abbas] get over the crisis as quickly as possible as the situation cannot sustain it," Maher said. Egypt and other Arab states are expected to discuss Abbas' resignation at an Arab League foreign ministers meeting in Cairo on Monday. U.S. Secretary for Homeland Security Tom Ridge said the resignation would not deter American and international efforts to get Israel and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table, but "unfortunately, tragically, it will delay it. "There was great promise there, great hope there, but [Abbas] was consistently being undermined by elements within the Palestinian Authority," Ridge said at a conference of political and business leaders in Italy. "Arafat has not been a partner in this effort, has not provided a path to peace." Meanwhile, a senior U.S. State Department official said that Washington was not certain that Abbas had resigned and that his resignation had been accepted. Asked about reports that Abbas had submitted his resignation after a power struggle with Arafat and that the PA chairman had accepted it, the senior U.S. official replied: "We are not certain that this is true and that this is the end of it." EU 'deeply worried' EU foreign ministers, ending a two-day meeting on Lake Garda in the Italian Alps, reacted with dismay to Abbas' decision. Italian Foreign Minister Franco Frattini said that the 15-nation bloc was "deeply worried by the serious risk of dangerous instability at the head of the Palestinian executive." French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin said Israel and the Palestinians must remain committed to the road map, while British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw called the move "a further difficulty" for Middle East peace. "It is a huge tragedy that the Palestinians should be so divided," he told reporters. Swedish Foreign Minister Anna Lindh spoke of "another big setback for the whole peace process in the Middle East." [edit: titel layout aangepast ![]() http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/337270.html Laatst gewijzigd op 06-09-2003 om 20:10. |
![]() |
|
![]() |
Editorial: A government without a head
There is place for great concern in light of the acute criticism voiced by Ephraim Halevy in this week's Haaretz Magazine, regarding the functioning of the prime minister and the way he makes policy decisions. In the past year, says Halevy - who was the confidant of six prime ministers and has just resigned as head of the National Security Council - there has been "an intolerable sense of offhandedness in making fateful decisions" in the Prime Minister's Bureau. "Things are happening there that I can't explain," he says. True, Halevy intimates that he resigned against his will, after he was put in a position of being unable to fulfill his duties by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's bureau chief and close adviser, Dov Weisglass. However, there is no reason to think that far-reaching accusations on such serious subjects are meant solely to vent personal frustration. Indeed, Halevy's trenchant remarks would seem to confirm a certain feeling that prevails among many of those who are following Sharon's activity. The sense they have is that the prime minister is caught inside a kind of bubble of functional lassitude and conceptual vacuity. He is more passive than active. Initiative and innovation in the policy realm, even at the tactical level, are manifestly out of the question. This state of affairs was seen in particular in the short period of time during which the cease-fire between Israel and the Palestinian Authority was in force. It seemed then that Sharon was fulfilling his part of the agreement almost against his will. Sharon, who once proved that he has the ability to dismantle settlements, displayed impotence in the face of a handful of caravans. Israel's good-will gestures - such as the release of prisoners - were strictly rationed. No effort was made to widen the window of opportunity that opened in the region. In the wake of the collapse of the cease-fire, the passivity and lack of initiative that are being projected by the Prime Minister's Bureau have become even more pronounced. The region is again sinking beneath a wave of violence, and the Israeli leader is projecting only determination to survive in office and gain time. The government seems to have no head. The prime minister is enshrouded in silence. There is no sense of direction, no positing of a goal. His supposed vision is summed up in the hollow words "painful concessions," which become less credible every time he utters them. Sharon was elected by a solid parliamentary victory, which affords him extremely broad political maneuverability. If he wished, he could put forward a moderate, realistic policy platform, which would be congruent with the changes the region is undergoing. The disappointment that exists here and in Washington regarding the work of the new Palestinian leadership does not justify lack of initiative and lack of activity by Israel. Halevy notes justly that "anyone with eyes in his head understands that we will not remain in the Gaza Strip." This being so, it might have been possible to consider a move in Gaza that would thaw the situation and signal that Israel is bent on a settlement. However, for that to happen, even to think about some sort of movement, there has to be willingness to think anew and formulate new solutions. Prime Minister Sharon is blatantly not displaying any readiness or desire for this. The country, in its melancholy situation, does not deserve leadership like this - leadership that is leading nowhere. http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/pages/S...ID=0&listSrc=Y [edit: titel lay-out aangepast. ![]() Laatst gewijzigd op 06-09-2003 om 20:04. |
![]() |
|
![]() |
The ethical side of the IDF's assassinations
By Amos Harel In the past two weeks, the policy of assassination has been resumed against militants and has become the main form of action taken by the Israel Defense Forces in its war against suicide attacks. Six attacks in the past 15 days have claimed the lives of 12 Hamas activists of various ranks and have led senior General Staff officers to argue that the method has succeeded in imposing an effective deterrent on the Hamas leadership in the Gaza Strip. Senior members of the Islamic organization are avoiding public appearance; they do not make televised interviews; and, according to reports, they travel on scooters, at times dressed as women, in an effort to avoid the missiles of IDF helicopter gunships. The emotional backlash created by the latest suicide bombing against a bus full of children in Jerusalem has forced the debate of morality surrounding the use of assassinations from the public's mind. On the practical level, despite the fact that Israel has employed this method for more than two-and-a-half years - the first assassination was carried out against Tanzim militant Hussein Abiyat in Bethlehem in November 2000 - it has not yet been determined that assassinations, beyond the obvious limitations it imposes on the operations of the groups, is effective in limiting the motivation of young Palestinians wishing to carry out suicide bombings. Until recently, the army did not make any significant effort to morally justify the use of assassinations. When the issue was presented to senior IDF officers, like Chief of Staff Moshe Ya'alon and Israel Air Force chief Dan Halutz, their responses resulted in criticism from political circles. Major General Amos Yadlin, in charge of the Military Colleges, decided to address the issue. Yadlin, former chief of the Air Force Staff, has followed the issue closely and published an article recently in the National Security journal, co-authored with philosopher Professor Asa Kasher. The article seeks to detail an ethical and moral justification behind the considerations that guide the aggressive actions of the IDF in the territories. The two write that the IDF has two moral obligations - to prevent attacks that may kill Israeli civilians, and to prevent harming innocent Palestinians who may be found near the target. The authors note that the considerations are evaluated in detail in every case involving a target, within the parameters of these moral obligations. "The intelligence information the decision-makers have is the best that can be collected," they write, adding that it provides data on the presence of innocent civilians nearby, and that efforts are made to employ a method that will avoid innocent casualties. The authors also address the issue of "marking" the terrorists. They maintain that those targeted are "ticking bombs;" i.e. they are on the verge of initiating an attack and the IDF has no other option of preventing them from carrying it out. "A person is a ticking bomb not only when he has a belt of explosives strapped to him and is on his way into Israel... but also in earlier stages - when the person provides his colleague with war materiel, when he prepares his equipment and the journey, and when he plans the attack," they write. Targetting such individuals is justified, they argue, in view of the absence of any other practical means to stop them. Yadlin and Kasher note that assassinations are not an act of vengeance or punishment. On the other hand, the planner of attacks could be a target on the basis of the argument that the person who has done something repeatedly as a member of a terrorist group will do the same in the future. Regarding innocent bystanders, if the action is fully justified, as a result of the need to provide security for civilians and soldiers, one must come to terms with harming the "human surroundings" of the terrorist. In other words, the euphemism of "collateral damage" is acceptable if the operation is justified. The authors view last July's killing of Salah Shehadeh that also claimed the lives of 15 civilians as a moral failure, stemming from an intelligence failure. However, they reject the criticism of the use of a large bomb in the operation, saying that the need to destroy the target would have required four smaller bombs, thereby increasing the risk of harming the environs of the terrorist. The authors say that the policy of assassinations is not a deterrent and that it is not based on the idea that a terrorist organization is an army whose members are all targets. However, last week the chief of staff declared precisely the opposite, saying that all Hamas militants are legitimate targets for assassination. "Assassinations work," a senior officer argued last week, explaining the delay in their implementation on a massive scale "as needing time to mature inside all of us. If you only knew how long it took us to convince our superiors to allow us to target Rantisi [a senior Hamas official unsuccessfully targeted in June]," he said. http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/pages/S...ID=0&listSrc=Y [edit: titel layout aangepast ![]() Laatst gewijzigd op 06-09-2003 om 20:05. |
![]() |
|
Hee, ik heb een hele tijd geleden het tweede Israël-Palestina topic al geopend hoor
![]() Dus dit topic is eigenlijk deel III ![]()
__________________
There's no such thing as a winnable war, it's a lie we don't believe anymore | Met rijbewijs! :cool:
|
![]() |
||
Citaat:
Fleet, zou je niet zo scheutig willen zijn met het posten van nieuwsartikelen? Wordt moeilijk zo om daarop te reageren. Graag 1 voor 1 en hooguit 2.
__________________
Bureaucracy is the death of any achievement.
|
Advertentie |
|
![]() |
|
|